Sunday, October 1, 2017

Music Video - Madonna - La Isla Bonita

Music Video - Miley Cyrus - Younger Now

Clinton to San Juan mayor: ‘We are with you’



Former Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton responded to President Trump's criticism of San Juan Mayor Carmen Yulin Cruz on Saturday, tweeting "we are with you," to Cruz.
Don’t let anyone make you feel alone. We are with you and Puerto Rico.

"Don’t let anyone make you feel alone. We are with you and Puerto Rico," Clinton tweeted.
The president launched his attacks of Cruz early Saturday, accusing her of having poor leadership, and working with Democrats.  
"Such poor leadership ability by the mayor of San Juan, and others in Puerto Rico, who are not able to get their workers to help," Trump tweeted.
The Trump administration has faced criticism over the past week for the slow movement of aid to the U.S. territory, which was left without power by the hurricane. 
Cruz begged for help on Friday, and criticized the federal government's response to the crisis. 
"I will do what I never thought I was going to do. I am begging, begging anyone who can hear us to save us from dying. If anybody out there is listening to us, we are dying, and you are killing us with the inefficiency," she said. 
http://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/353270-clinton-to-san-juan-mayor-we-are-with-you

Video - Barack Obama Best Moments

Video - Barack Obama cried seeing Malia off to college

Sep 27, 2017

Suffer for democracy? Police crackdown at Barcelona school during independence referendum

Video Report - #CatalanReferendum: "What happened today was unacceptable"

Video Report - #Cataloniareferendum: Fierce clashes captured by Al Jazeera in Barcelona

Video Report - Defying Madrid: Catalonia's independence referendum

Video Report - Catalan Referendum: Will there be results?

Pashto Music - شپه وه د سپرلي | غني خان | سردارعلي ټکر

Pashto Music - چيغې مه وهه زاهده | عبدالغفار بريالی | سردار علي ټکر

په خېبر پښتونخوا کې ډېنګي تبې دوه نور کسان وژلي

د خېبر پښتونخوا د صحت اداره وايي، په ډېنګي وايروس اخته دوې ښځي مړې شوې دي.

په صحت اداره کې د ډېنګې تبې ضد څانګې د شنبې په ورځ له رسنيو سره په شريک کړي تفصيلي راپور کې ويلي چې د سفيد ډهېرۍ ۳۳ کلنه نورين په حيات اباد ميډيکل کمپلکس او هم د سفيد ډهېرۍ ۲۵ کلنې راحيله په خېبر ټيچنک هسپتال کې ساه ورکړه.
د ادارې په وينا له دې سره په ټوله صوبه کې د ډېنګې تبې څخه د مړه شويو کسانو شمېر ۴۰ ته رسېدلی دی.
په رپورټ کې ويل شوي چې د شنبې په ورځ هم يوولس سوه څوارلس کسان د معايناتو لپاره ور وړل شوي وو چې پکې ۲۴۹ په ډېنګي وايروس اخته دي او ۲۶۴ کسان لا هم په روغتونو کې بستر دي.

https://www.mashaalradio.com/a/28766844.html

#Muharram and persecution of #Shias in #Pakistan


By M Tariq


Being a journalist I go to attend many press briefings made by provincial, district civilian administrations including Police on law and order in Punjab. Last series of meetings I attended in start of Muharram. In these meetings members of Peace committees from different sects and trader class and civil society persons were also present.
In this meetings a term ‘Trouble Spots’ was used again and again by Police officers and civil officers during briefings on arrangements made by administration to maintain peace and calm in society during Muharram not only but in other months.
I talk to IGs, DIGs, RPOs, DPOs and I talked to Commissioners and Deputy Commissioners in detail on this.
For examples ‘trouble spots’ are those places on the routes of main and other mourning processions of Muharram organized by Shiite community of Pakistan, where either some shops or Mosques or seminaries of Deobandi sect or Ahlehadith are and owners or seminaries or mosques administrations made objections on Noaha Khawani, Marsia reciting or hands thumping on their chests by mourners. According to guidelines provided by provincial governments, local police and district administrations asked organizers of processions to pass through those ‘trouble places’ silently. Silently passing is allowed just for those processions who are licenced by governments not for others.
There were thousands of traditional, non-registered and non-licensed mourning processions and gatherings all over the country before partition and after partition now they all have declared illegal and if anybody insists on organizing that then he/she faces stern legal actions from local and provincial administration.
From last few years’ provincial governments directed local administrations not to allow even private mourning gatherings in the houses without permission or without registration. And in practical now it is impossible to get permission or register private mourning meetings in their houses not only by Shiite community but for Sunni Barelvis it is impossible to organize such gatherings in their houses because Deobandis who belongs to #ASWJ / #SSP or such pro-Takfiree organizations have objections on such mourning gatherings.
So in practice now it has become crime to mourn Imam Hussain according to your own faith and beliefs for Shia community and in often in case of Sufi Sunnis also.
I have checked those cases mostly against persons from Shiite community and in some examples against Sunni Barelvis made by local administration due to so called violation of code of conduct made by district administrations. Alleged crime were mentioned in registered FIRs is Mourning of Imam Hussain, Marsia reciting , Noaha reciting not only during processions near Deobandi’s shops or seminaries or mosques but organizing non-registered and non-licensed private Majlis in homes.
‘ Deobandi shops owners or administration of mosques or seminaries on the way of licensed processions on eve of Muharram says that Marsia , Noaha and beating chests by mourners are sectarian provocation so we take stern action against organizers if they refuse to pass through silently Deobandi shops, markets in some cases and often Deobandi Mosques and seminaries that are on the way of mourning processions licensed and registered by local administrations’, said a police officer while defining trouble places during a briefing at his office.
Dozens of Urs ( annual gatherings on the eve of death anniversaries of Sufi saints) and cultural festivals in Public and often are restricted to boundary walls of shrines by local administrations due to objections made by sectarian, Takfiri organizations mostly by Deobandis and Salafis.
‘All most same situation is happening in every where in Pakistan. One of half century old procession in our town on martyrdom of Imam Ali a.s. has been banned which was taken out from a mosque of Shias adjacent to Imam Bargah and no house situated in the whole mohalla except Shias’, said a journalist from Bhakkar district of Punjab.
Now it has become impossible to hold musical, cultural festivals in public while Islamic fundamentalists create trouble and even they apply force and terror on masses who participate in such cultural activities.
Saudi funded campaign against composite culture and diversity not only restricted freedom of religious communities and they cannot practice their rituals freely in pubic but in case of Shia community they can not hold mourning meetings in their homes while making public announcement through ads or other way.
In other words we can say that our federal, provincial and local administrations are involved in dying composite and diversified culture of Indian subcontinent while accepting pressure exerted by Takfiri,Jihadi Deobandi-Salafi Wahhabi network active in Pakistan.
I talked privately to members of peace committees from Shiite and Sufi Sunnis, they revealed that they are forced to accept such restrictions imposed on them by state officials under several pressure of Takfiris, which are totally against their religious freedom.
Experts on sectarianism and terrorism in Pakistan has said that It would be impossible for Non-Deobandis and Salafis to live without fear and sense of insecurity with the passage of time. I think that time has arrived.

Pakistan in the Middle East: A Cautious Balance

By 

Pakistan - Beijing has signaled. Is Islamabad listening?





By Raza Rumi
Though China has repeatedly blocked Indian moves to sanction JeM and its leadership, it has given a clear signal to Islamabad through BRICS declaration that support to non-state actors isn’t a viable long-term policy for Pakistan.
Pakistan’s new Foreign Minister has been criticised by the usual suspects for his blunt remarks last week at Asia Society in New York. The minister put up a robust defence of Pakistan’s position on Afghanistan and highlighted the cost of war that Pakistan has suffered. Perhaps for the first time, a senior government minister admitted that the strategic assets of yesterday had turned into liabilities: “You cannot divorce history just to move forward. They [the militants] are a liability and it will take time for Pakistan to work its way through that.” He added, “Saeed, LeT, they are a liability, I accept it, but give us time to get rid of them, we don’t have the assets to deal with these liabilities.”
This admission is in line with the position that the government reportedly took in a national security meeting last year. Contents of this meeting were leaked and turned into a cause for civil-military rupture. The civilians, according to the infamous Dawn leaks, had warned the military and intelligence officials of Pakistan’s likely isolation if the policy towards jihadist proxies was not reviewed and realigned to the changing scenario.
Almost a year later, the BRICS group of countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) in their 2017 declaration expressed ‘concern on the security situation in the region and violence caused by the Taliban, ISIS... Al Qaeda and its affiliates, including Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement, Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, the Haqqani network, Lashkar-i-Taiba, Jaish-i-Mohammad, TTP and Hizbut Tahrir.’ The fact that China was part of this joint declaration should be a wake up call for Islamabad and Rawalpindi.
FM Asif’s position, therefore, is logical and he would not have made these comments without the tacit endorsement of the military establishment. Given the fragility of federal government and the uncertain future of the ruling party, Asif was certainly not taking a calculated risk.
While the increased indebtedness and dependence via CPEC are causes for concern, the Chinese influence is an opportunity for Pakistan to reimagine its national security doctrine; and discard what has evidently not worked for decades Leaving the domestic squabbles aside, it should be clear that China — now viewed as a savior of sorts — has little patience for Islamist groups whether they are pitted against India or not. BRICS was the forum where China sensed an opportunity of signalling its discomfort to Pakistan’s powers-that-be with the latter’s reliance on proxy-groups to achieve foreign policy goals.
Beijing seeks avoidance of regional conflict, as continued conflict in Afghanistan and South Asia is inimical to its primary interests of economic development and trade integration. With the commencement of now $60 billion China Pakistan Economic Corridor, the stakes for Beijing have increased manifold. Beijing views extremism and terrorism as a threat to its economic investments in Pakistan.
In 2013, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang stated that a goal of CPEC is to ‘wean populace away from fundamentalism.’ Beijing has been pushing Pakistan to distance from conflict with India, focus on economic development and trade to achieve stability. After all, China’s current place in the world in large measure is attributable to economic progress. This is what the architects of Pakistan’s security policy need to understand.
While the economic gains through CPEC are dominant in the mainstream public debates, it is clear that Pakistan’s security establishment views Chinese investment as a bulwark against the perennial Indian threat. This is not different from how we viewed our relationship with the United States since 1950s. Security cooperation with the US was primarily a means to build up the defence apparatus against India. Even though we hardly received any concrete support from the US in 1965 and 1971 wars, the strategic thinking did not change. Now that the cooling off with the US is underway, the Chinese are the replacement for quick cash-flows and security buffers.
What is rarely discussed in Pakistan is that the Sino-Indian trade is close to $100 billion dollars. Despite their competition for influence, the two countries are not going to turn their relationship into a toxic rivalry resembling the Cold War politics of blocs. BRICS was preceded by Sino-Indian standoff on the Bhutanese border. Pakistan’s security gurus and pundits on television could not conceal their excitement. They must have been disappointed when China diffused the Doklam border tension through diplomatic engagement.
Though China has repeatedly blocked Indian moves to sanction JeM and its leadership, it has given a clear signal to Islamabad through BRICS declaration that support to non-state actors isn’t a viable long-term policy for Pakistan. On September 22, Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson in a press conference said: ‘The Chinese side hopes that Pakistan and India can strengthen communication and dialogue and properly resolve the issue. This is conducive to jointly upholding regional peace and stability.’
This should be an eye-opener for there is no support for revisionism that is a cornerstone of our foreign policy. China is not likely to take sides in any future Indian-Pakistan conflict and will do its best to avert that.
Pakistan’s security managers need to pay heed to signals emanating from Beijing before it’s too late. One hopes that there are discussions underway in GHQ of viewing the country as a trade-investment hub and managing the conflict with the ‘enemy.’ We have to live with India, Iran and Afghanistan; and it is not going to change. While the increased indebtedness and dependence via CPEC are causes for concern, the Chinese influence is an opportunity for Pakistan to reimagine its national security doctrine; and discard what has evidently not worked for decades.

Pakistan - Foreign minister and foreign office - On Same Page ???

Typical of the foreign office to play down the Islamic State (IS) threat in Pakistan the same day police prevented a possible disaster in Karachi by killing five IS militants; among them their local commander and a remote and drone technology expert. According to police, they were part of a team tasked with disrupting Moharram proceedings. This happened just as FO spokesman Nafees Zakaria was rubbishing news reports of an IS flag seen flying in Islamabad as “media reports do not warrant any response”. This is not the first time our foreign office has rejected increasing IS influence in Pakistan. The interior ministry, which ordered an investigation into the Islamabad flag incident, was in similar denial till Ch Nisar ran it.
Foreign Minister Kh Asif’s bold opening up about our security policy – and setting the record straight about US involvement in the matter at the same time – raised hopes of a more sincere soul searching all around. However, going by the news, it does not seem Kh Asif’s direction is appreciated by many in the government, despite the strong endorsement of the prime minister. Perhaps the foreign office, at least, should take media reports – like those about the IS bust in Karachi – more seriously before commenting on ground reality.
For a government at war with TTP/a Qaeda for so long there is surprisingly little understanding about the way such outfits work. Both Ch Nisar and the foreign office initially ruled out IS in Pakistan because “it is a Middle Eastern phenomenon”. They do not realise, then, that for IS to come here it would not need to build a navy and sail across the Arabian and Indian oceans. It would just have to take up funding, and of course arming, of the outfits presently at war with the Pakistani state. So, as long as the bad guys are not completely neutralised, there’s always the possibility of IS converts growing. The possibility, if anything, is higher since the enemy is on the run and desperate. Surely we are better served by accepting, identifying and diffusing such threats than keeping our heads buried in the sand.
https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2017/10/01/foreign-minister-and-foreign-office/

Debunking Myth Of Islamic State’s Presence In Afghanistan-Pakistan – OpEd


Recently, the Islamic State’s purported “terror franchises” in Afghanistan and Pakistan have claimed a spate of bombings against the Shi’a and Barelvi Muslims who are regarded as heretics by Takfiris. But to contend that the Islamic State is responsible for suicide blasts in Pakistan and Afghanistan is to declare that the Taliban are responsible for the sectarian war in Syria and Iraq.
Both are localized militant outfits and the Islamic State without its Baathist command structure and superior weaponry is just another ragtag, regional militant outfit. The distinction between the Taliban and the Islamic State lies in the fact that the Taliban follow Deobandi sect of Sunni Islam which is a sect native to South Asia and the jihadists of the Islamic State mostly belong to Wahhabi denomination.
Secondly, and more importantly, the insurgency in the border regions of Afghanistan and Pakistan is a Pashtun uprising which is an ethnic group native to Afghanistan and northwestern Pakistan, while the bulk of the Islamic State’s jihadists is comprised of Arab militants of Syria and Iraq.
The so-called “Khorasan Province” of the Islamic State in the Af-Pak region is nothing more than an alliance of several breakaway factions of the Taliban and a few other inconsequential local militant outfits that have adopted the name “Islamic State” to enhance their prestige, but that don’t have any organizational and operations association, whatsoever, with the Islamic State proper in Syria and Iraq.
Conflating the Islamic State either with Al-Qaeda, with the Taliban or with myriads of ragtag, local militant groups is a deliberate deception intended to mislead public opinion in order to exaggerate the threat posed by the Islamic State which serves the scaremongering agenda of security establishments.
Regardless, the only difference between the Afghan jihad back in the ’80s that spawned Islamic jihadists such as the Taliban and Al-Qaeda for the first time in history and the Libyan and Syrian civil wars, 2011-onward, is that the Afghan jihad was an overt jihad: back then, the Western political establishments and their mouthpiece, the mainstream media, used to openly brag that the CIA provides all those AK-47s, rocket-propelled grenades and stingers to Pakistan’s intelligence agencies, which then distributes those deadly weapons amongst the Afghan so-called “freedom fighters” to combat the Soviet troops in Afghanistan.
After the 9/11 tragedy, however, the Western political establishments and corporate media have become a lot more circumspect, therefore this time around they have waged covert jihads against the Arab-nationalist Gaddafi regime in Libya and the anti-Zionist Assad regime in Syria, in which Islamic jihadists (aka terrorists) have been sold as “moderate rebels” with secular and nationalist ambitions to the Western audience.
Since the regime change objective in those hapless countries went against the mainstream narrative of ostensibly fighting a war against terrorism, therefore the Western political establishments and the mainstream media are now trying to muddle the reality by offering color-coded schemes to identify myriads of militant and terrorist outfits operating in Syria: such as the red militants of the Islamic State and Al-Nusra Front which the Western powers want to eliminate; the yellow Islamic jihadists, like Jaysh al-Islam and Ahrar al-Sham, with whom the Western powers can collaborate under desperate circumstances; and the green militants of the Free Syria Army (FSA) and a few other inconsequential outfits which together comprise the so-called “moderate” Syrian opposition.
If we were to draw parallels between the Soviet-Afghan jihad during the ’80s and the Syrian civil war of today, the Western powers used the training camps located in the Af-Pak border regions to train and arm Afghan “Mujahideen” against the Soviet troops in Afghanistan.
Similarly, the training camps located in the border regions of Turkey and Jordan are being used to provide training and weapons to Sunni Arab militants to battle the Shi’a-dominated Syrian regime with the collaboration of Turkish, Jordanian and Saudi intelligence agencies.
During the Afghan jihad, it is a known historical fact that the bulk of the so-called “freedom fighters” was comprised of Pashtun Islamic jihadists, such as the factions of Jalaluddin Haqqani, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Abdul Rab Rasul Sayyaf and scores of other militant outfits, some of which later coalesced together to form the Taliban movement.
Similarly, in Syria, the majority of the so-called “moderate rebels” is comprised of Sunni Arab jihadists, such as Jaysh al-Islam, Ahrar al-Sham, al-Nusra Front, the Islamic State and myriads of other militant groups, including a small portion of defected Syrian soldiers who go by the name of Free Syria Army (FSA).
Moreover, apart from Pashtun Islamic jihadists, various factions of the Northern Alliance of Tajiks and Uzbeks constituted the relatively “moderate” segment of the Afghan rebellion, though those “moderate” warlords, like Ahmad Shah Massoud and Abul Rashid Dostum, were more ethnic and tribal in character than secular or nationalist, as such.
Similarly, the Kurds of the so-called “Syrian Democratic Forces” can be compared to the Northern Alliance of Afghanistan. The socialist PYD/YPG Kurds of Syria, however, were allied with the Baathist regime against the Sunni Arab jihadists for the first three years of the Syrian civil war, i.e. from August 2011 to August 2014.
At the behest of American stooge in Iraqi Kurdistan, Massoud Barzani, the Syrian Kurds have switched sides in the last three years after the United States policy reversal and declaration of war against one faction of the Syrian opposition, the Islamic State, when the latter overstepped its mandate in Syria and overran Mosul and Anbar in Iraq in June 2014, from where the US troops had withdrawn only a couple of years ago in December 2011.
Regarding the creation and composition of the Islamic State, apart from training and arms which have been provided to Syrian militants in the training camps located in the Turkish and Jordanian border regions adjacent to Syria by the CIA in collaboration with Turkish, Jordanian and Saudi intelligence agencies, another factor that has contributed to the stellar success of the Islamic State is that its top cadres are comprised of former Baathist military and intelligence officers from the Saddam era.
According to reports, hundreds of ex-Baathists constitute the top and mid-tier command structure of the Islamic State who plan all the operations and direct its military strategy. The only feature that differentiates Islamic State from all other insurgent groups is its command structure which is comprised of professional ex-Baathists and its state-of-the-art weaponry that has been provided to all the Sunni Arab militant outfits fighting in Syria by the intelligence agencies of the Western powers, Turkey, Jordan and the Gulf states.
Moreover, it is an indisputable fact that morale and ideology plays an important role in battle, and well-informed readers must also be aware that the Takfiri brand of most jihadists these days has directly been inspired by the puritanical Wahhabi-Salafi ideology of Saudi Arabia, but ideology alone is not sufficient to succeed in battle.
Looking at the Islamic State’s astounding gains in Syria and Iraq in 2014, a question arises that where does its recruits get all the training and state-of-the-art weapons that are imperative not only for hit-and-run guerrilla warfare but also for capturing and holding large swathes of territory?
According to a revelatory December 2013 news report [1] from “The National” newspaper affiliated with the UAE government which supports the Syrian opposition: it is clearly mentioned that along with AK-47s, rocket-propelled grenades and other military gear, the Saudi regime also provides machine gun-mounted Toyota pick-up trucks to every batch of five jihadists who have completed their training in the training camps located at the border regions of Jordan.
Once those militants cross over to Daraa and Quneitra in southern Syria from the Jordan-Syria border, then those Toyota pick-up trucks can easily travel all the way to Raqqa and Deir al-Zor and thence to Mosul and Anbar in Iraq.
Moreover, it is clearly spelled out in the report that Syrian militants get arms and training through a secret command center based in the intelligence headquarters’ building in Amman, Jordan, that has been staffed by high-ranking military officials from 14 countries, including the US, European nations, Israel and the Gulf Arab States to wage a covert war against the government in Syria.
Finally, unlike al Qaeda, which is a transnational terrorist organization that generally employs anticolonial and anti-West rhetoric to draw funds and followers, the Islamic State and the majority of Sunni Arab militant groups fighting in Syria are basically anti-Shi’a sectarian outfits. By the designation “terrorism” it is generally implied and understood that an organization which has the intentions and capability of carrying out acts of terrorism on the Western soil.
Although the Islamic State has carried out a few acts of terrorism against the Western countries, such as the high profile Paris, Brussels and Manchester attacks, but if we look at the pattern of its subversive activities, especially in the Middle East, it generally targets the Shi’a Muslims in Syria and Iraq. A few acts of terrorism that it has carried out in the Gulf Arab states were also directed against the Shi’a Muslims in the Eastern province of Saudi Arabia and Shi’a mosques in Yemen and Kuwait.

Education: a solution for Pakistan



Fiza Farhan
Being a developing country and one with an almost exponentially growing population, Pakistan faces all sorts of socio-economic problems. But the underlying cause of these problems is the issue of illiteracy. Our government spends less than 3% on the education sector. Already an insufficient value for catering to the needs of a considerably large population, it is further misappropriated. According to a compilation of the World Literacy Foundation, more than 796 million people in the world cannot read and write, about 67 million children do not have access to primary school education and another 72 million miss out on secondary school education. Pakistan’s situation is even more unfortunate as it is estimated that 26% of the countries that are poorer than Pakistan, send a larger proportion of their children to schools. The main finding of the report further states that putting an economic value on the cost of illiteracy, it is estimated at $1.2 trillion to the global economy. Hence, this problem is not confined to the developing world.
Why is education so crucial to saving our economy? Literacy is the fundamental building block of education and as vaccine is a prevention measure for a disease, literacy works in the same way for preventing the spread of corruption, hunger, poverty, crime, poor health conditions and unemployment among other socio-economic problems. Education is an essential tool for breaking the rigid and harsh social cycles of poverty.
In Pakistan, the quality of education is as big a problem as lack of access to education starting from the primary level. Even if the net enrollment rate of children attending a primary school is 63%, half of them drop out due to several reasons and those who continue are also getting a substandard experience because of inadequate education facilities, lack of trained teachers, and a standard medium of instruction in all regions, outdated curriculum and absence of a standard assessment tool. Another worrisome issue is that textbooks and the way things are taught encourage rote learning and promote ideologies of certain powerful groups of the country instead of stimulating creativity and critical thinking.
Additionally, when we talk about gender inequality and discrimination faced by women at all levels, we are always lead to the question: how does one break through the rigid norms? This is again a problem that stems from the lack of access to education and poor quality education. Firstly, female enrolment is only 43.6% of the total enrollment which is significantly less than the male enrolment. Secondly, gender roles for men and women are enforced through education and the curriculum also promotes patriarchal ideologies to a great extent. Both these factors mutually contribute to the social problems that result from gender discrimination in our society. Hence, it is crucial for the progress of Pakistan as a nation that girls are provided with an equal access to education.
Pakistan needs an extensive educational reform which must begin with a policy reform that tackles the chronic under-investment in the education sector. Adding to that, the government and the private sector must work as partners to provide quality education especially primary education to all the school going citizens. It is a long-term process which requires effort from each one of us as individuals too, to work towards a quality education system along with providing the youth with hope, our undivided attention, and unwavering belief in their potential. Education is not only crucial for mitigating the socio-economic issues, it is important for psychological reasons too as it helps to make you feel worthwhile, gives a boost to morale and builds confidence and perseverance.

PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari condemns increase in petrol prices

Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari on Sunday said that the Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz’s (PML-N) government is avenging former prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s disqualification by increasing prices of petroleum products.
The Ministry of Finance on Saturday revised prices of petroleum products, increasing the price of petrol by Rs2 per litre.
“We (PPP) demand a reduction in the price of petrol,” Bilawal said. “The nation shouldn’t be further burdened with burgeoning prices.”
The new prices are effective from October 1 (today). Petrol will now be sold at Rs73.5 per litre.
Prices for high-speed diesel (HSD) and light-speed diesel (LSD) were also increased by Rs2.
After the revision, HSD will be sold at Rs79.4 per litre and LSD will be sold at Rs46 per litre
The ministry also increased the price of kerosene oil by Rs4 per litre.
The new price is now Rs48 per litre.
http://www.thesindhtimes.com/sindh/ppp-chairman-bilawal-bhutto-zardari-condemns-increase-petrol-prices/